"This legend is recorded in Syriac in called the Doctrine of Addai4 which was probably written c. 300...The details of the story need detain us as they are obviously legendary. Thus Agbar IX (179) was the first Christian King of Edessa and in the Doctrine the back of his time is read back into the time of Jesus."
The so-called Book of the Laws of Countries - actually a dialogue on the influence of Fate on human life originating from the school
of the Aramaic philosopher Bardai~an of Edessa (r54-222 A.D.)- records a law given by King Abgar against the practice of castration
which could be part of the service in worship of the goddess: ...human liberty, which expresses itself in ethical commandments, is actually stronger than
the power of Fate residing in stars and planets. The statement of this treatise, that Abgar's law was the result of his conversion to
the Christian belief, is almost certainly due to a (later?) revision of Bardaisan's dialogue on Fate which may have been caused by the
legendary tale in the Doctrina Addai on King Abgar becoming a Christian.4 The effect of Abgar's measure is somewhat exaggerated
for still in the fifth century A.D., Rabbula Bishop of Edessa forbade self-emasculation in his canons for the clergy.
However early documents stemming from Syria, such as the Odes of Solomon and the Acts of Thomas, had long been
known although it had proved difficult to fit these into a coherent history of Eastern Christianity. The discovery of the Gospel of Thomas, and the
new light which it has thrown on Syriac Christianity, has re-opened the question. Our concern in this article is with early Christianity in Edessa
a city which became a major centre of the early Church deserving rank with Rome, Ephesus, Alexandria and Antioch.
Edessa was the capital of the small principality of Osrhoene east the Euphrates and it lay on the great trade route to the East which passed
between the Syrian desert to the South and the mountains of Armenia to the North. The city's inhabitants spoke Syriac, an Aramaic dialect
akin to, but not identical with, that spoken in Palestine.
The goddess depicted in the bas-relief sculpture is wearing a tunic and covered by a cloak and is flanked by two lions. Comparanda from the eastern Mediterranean showing similar iconography of the naiskos point to the goddess’s identity as Cybele, Atargatis, or Allāt, with most evidence suggesting Allāt.
https://gedsh.bethmardutho.org/Abgarids-of-Edessa
the deceased was most likely introduced to the goddess and
ritual object through trade and purchased the carving from a merchant. However, this does not
exclude the deceased from being incorporated into a small group of people that worshiped these
goddesses within Petra and may be a symbol of their marzeah or religious beliefs. Additionally,
votive carvings were not specific to the funerary contexts. In Petra these types of objects could
be placed within niches in public or ritual spaces like temples to worship a specific deity
(Wenning 2010
And there are also, for example, the Egyptian magical objects-including one representing Isis suckling Horus-which have found in the famous Sicilian sanctuary of the Gaggera at Selinus. Dating back to the seventh century BC, these too are a result of Phoenician and Carthaginian intermediaries
Peter Kingsley
From Pythagoras to the Turba philosophorum: Egypt and Pythagorean Tradition
His name is fully Romanized: Sextus Julius Africanus
SEXTUS JULIUS AFRICANUS AND THE ROMAN NEAR EAST IN THE THIRD CENTURY Author(s): William Adler
Source: The Journal of Theological Studies, OCTOBER 2004, NEW SERIES, Vol. 55, No. 2 (OCTOBER 2004), pp. 920-550
Published by: Oxford University Press
Thomas-Gospel and Thomas-Community: A New Approach to a Familiar Text
The Splintered Divine: A Study of Istar, Baal, and Yahweh Divine Names and Divine Multiplicity in the Ancient Near East
My vid on Peter Kingsley's initiation at Edessa Turkey vid
The Book of the Laws hints at Bardaisan’s belief that the world was created out of pre-existing substances,78 a notion not without parallel among early Christian writers. Justin Martyr, for instance, upheld the view that the world was made from “unformed matter” (ἐξ ἀμόρφου ὕλης).79 Harmonizing the accounts given by Plato in the Timaeus and by Moses in Genesis 1:2, Justin elaborates: “So by God’s word the whole universe was made out of this substratum (ἐκ τῶν ὑποκειμένων), as expounded by Moses, and Plato and those who agree with him, as well as we, have learned it [from him].”80
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv21n1possekel
In the second century, when Bardaisan formulated his cosmology, a belief in pre-existing substances was thus held by several Christian intellectuals, but in a later age, when the doctrine of a creatio ex nihilo had emerged as a broad consensus among theologians,83 the presupposition of some sort of primordial matter came to be regarded as an outrageous heresy. The fact that Bardaisan’s followers continued to uphold the idea of primordial matter and that, moreover, they appear to have developed his doctrines further into a dualist direction,84 relegated them to a place far outside the mainline tradition.
Likewise, it could not have been the so-
called Gospel of the Separated [Evangelion da- Mepharreshe] -- i.e.
the four canonical gospels arranged one after another but regarded as
a unit. At a time in which Irenaeus strives rather laboriously to
establish the fourfold gospel in the "great church," it cannot already
have been in use in Edessa.
Justin did not shrink from using Luke as a
source for the earthly life of Jesus, in addition to the other synoptics,
and because he considered all three of these gospels to be written by
apostles or their companions (Dial. 103.8), he acknowledged for [[ET
206]] them the same claim to credibility as for the Old Testament,
with which they could alternate in the Sunday readings (Apol. 67.3).
Thus sayings taken from the synoptic gospels are introduced with the
solemn formula "it is written" (Dial. 49.5; 100.1; 101.3; 103.8; 104;
105.6; 106.4; 107.1).
Perhaps Justin knew the gospel of John, but even if he did, his
outlook is intrinsically foreign to it.[16] It is basically so foreign that
we can scarcely silence the voice that would bid us to give up
altogether any thought of such an acquaintance. Justin completely
follows the narrative sequence of the synoptics, even where they
conflict with John. Like John, Justin is possessed with the idea of
existence of Christ as the Logos prior to the creation of the world, but
he does not derive his proof from the Fourth Gospel, neither from the
prologue nor any other portion; moreover he does not even derive it
from the letters of Paul, [209] but seeks laboriously to press the
synoptics into the service of such ideas. The miraculous birth or the
confession of Peter must bear the brunt of providing a proof which
John could have given with no difficulty.
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