These are Sohrab’s dying words, pleading with his grieving father not to fight with the Tartars after his death and to allow them to return to their homeland across the Oxus.
Uyghur ceramic tiles beneath walls at the Togu Balik site, Dogan suggested that the city was later used by the Khitans after the Uyghurs left.
The anonymous Uyghur vertical script narrative of the 14th century, which is preserved in Paris, is a manuscript that was probably already being modified to fit with stories of the Mongol Conquest, ...researching Albugazi Khan and other accounts (where I had to painfully translate older works by other authors as well). The chapter on Tartaria took alot of attention, the cross examinations on Oghuz alone took up most of the duration of putting my work together.
There are about 5,100 Tatars in China, most of whom live in Yining, Tacheng and Urumqi in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.
"And since the Tartar [Tatar] peoples had no script of their own, he [Chinggis Khan] gave the order that Mongol children should learn writing from the Uyghur" [13, p. 20-21, 25].
the Uighur state that had dominated Mongolia for nearly a century.
As such, it is more plausible that the
Mongols used the name “Tatar” to self-identify in the first three or four decades of the Mongol Empire’s expansion. The gradual replacement of “Tatar” by “Mongol” was solidified by the development of imperial historiography in the 1250s and 1260s. .. Mongols rejected Tatar, just as the Uyghur abandoned Oghuz and the Manchus later rejected the old Jurchen ethnonym after taking power...
Far-Right Orientalism and the Uyghurs: Revisiting Gunnar Jarring
this article reveals unsettling allegations about Jarring’s activities during a shadowy, little-known period in his life — a dark period in Sweden’s history, during which academic and political elites were in thrall to a far-right zeitgeist that dovetailed with Germany’s Nazi movement. The article concludes by considering some implications of the Jarring Collection's biases for the study of Xinjiang and the Uyghurs.
“the Urheimat of the
Indo-European Urvolk” somewhere in South or Central Asia. That is, they
believed that the ancestors of northern European Aryans could be traced
to the region, and that many of its contemporary populations represented
“pure,” direct descent from those ancestors. At the heart of this hypothesis
was the search for a common ancestral language: Proto-Indo-European
Hedin believed East Turkistan to be an ancient home for the Aryan race,
and a place where traces of that heritage were still plainly visible. In Khotan
he surveyed an ancient city featuring “pictures of men with black beards and
mustaches, in whom the Aryan type was clearly distinguishable at first glance”
(Danielsson 2017: 32). As Sarah K. Danielsson writes in her intensive study of
Hedin’s Nazi ties, “It had been believed, among race theorists at the time, that
the origin of the Aryan race could indeed be found in Central Asia, and it had
been one of the justifications Hedin had proposed for one of his early trav-
els in the region” (220). Hedin’s conviction partly inspired Himmler to offer
ample funding for German expeditions to the region, focusing especially on
Tibet—in which Hedin likewise believed ancient Aryan traces were preserved
among the locals (40, 220). Like Jarring, Hedin was awarded the Order of the
German Eagle by the Reich....
Thus the British explorer Robert Shaw, who regarded himself as the first of his countrymen to set foot in Kashgar and Yarkand, fixated prototypically on the “Aryan” appearance of East Turkistani residents: “The inhabitants of Eastern Toorkistan are far from being pure Tartars,” he wrote in his widely read 1871 travelogue. “Compared with the nomadic Kirghiz, and even with the more civilized and mixed tribe of Oozbeks, the men of Yarkand have a decidedly Aryan look.” This, Shaw concluded, was because the East Turkistanis were “Tartarized Aryans”
In Qawwali, a South Asian form of samā#, the focus is on the
listener and on his ability to draw spiritual benefits from the sound, rather
than on the sound itself (Qureshi 2006, 108). at is the reason why
Qawwals or singers of Qawwali are of a lower status, as they are considered
to be paid service professionals, who are only a medium through which
the listener gains spiritual benefit.
sama dance emerged from the dance movements of shamanism,
which was practiced by the ancestors of Uyghur people (Djumaev 2002,
973; Wang 1996, 81). I see the first opinion as more credible, as sama
is still practiced in hälqä-sohbät, which is indicative of its ties with Sufi
rituals. Most Chinese scholars who take the second view that the sama
dance is related to shamanism do so primarily because of similarities of the
terms sama and “shaman” (saman in Chinese) (Wang 1996). However,
the Tungusic term “shaman” is not used in the Uyghur language. e kind
of spirit medium among the Uyghurs that is closest to a shaman is called
a bakhshi or pir, and the dance they do in healing ceremonies is called pir
rather than sama.
Population genomics of Central Asian peoples unveil ancient Trans-Eurasian genetic admixture and cultural exchanges
Instead, ancestry related to North Eurasian hunter-gatherers, rather than Yamnaya Steppe pastoralists, significantly influenced the Neolithic Southwest Asian Cline in Eastern Iran and the Turan [7]. The detection of outlier individuals in the Turan exhibiting Early and Middle Bronze Age (EMBA) Western Steppe pastoralist ancestry indicates that Yamnaya Steppe pastoralist-derived ancestry reached the Turan by 2100 BCE, as observed at sites within the BMAC [7]. During the EMBA, Western Steppe Yamnaya pastoralists and their descendants exhibited mixed ancestry linked to Eastern European and Caucasus hunter-gatherers. Moreover, the archaeological complexes associated with the Corded Ware, Sintashta, Petrovka, and Srubnaya cultures on the Kazakh steppe shared numerous cultural elements [2]. Genetically, the Western Steppe herders demonstrated close interactions with groups along the Caucasus Cline, exhibiting ancestries related to European farmers and Yamnaya Steppe pastoralists
The IAMC hypothesis [Inner Asian Mountain Corridor (IAMC) inland biogeography hypothesis] posits that agropastoral communities along Central Asian mountain chains facilitated the dispersal of domesticated grains and cultural diffusion. From 3000 BCE and intensified by 2000 BCE, the Bronze Age individuals who lived along the IAMC were significantly impacted by gene flow from Turan, promoting northward movements into the steppe regions and subsequent admixture with East Asian-related ancestral sources [7]. This genetic pattern was also observed in populations from China's Xinjiang, the Hexi Corridor, and the Eastern Steppe during the Iron Age [25,[27], [28], [29]].
In a significant anthropologically informed study, Dai et al. explored the origins and admixture history of the Tajiks, revealing that ancient BMAC and Andronovo-related ancestries predominantly shaped the genetic composition of modern Tajiks [29]. Their admixture models indicated a close genetic link between highland Tajik populations and Tarim mummies, with Western Eurasian ancestry being introduced to historic populations in Xinjiang, West China.
Particularly well-studied are the Uyghurs, who exhibit complex genetic histories due to interactions with both Western and Eastern ancestries [27,[42], [43], [44], [45], [46], [47]]. Research by Xu et al. suggested that Southern Xinjiang Uyghurs originated from a bidirectional admixture, predominantly European ancestry with a significant East Asian minority, as evidenced by shared allele and haplotype patterns [43,45]. Comprehensive genomic studies involving 14 geographically diverse Uyghur groups from both Northern and Southern Xinjiang have traced these admixture events back to the Bronze Age, approximately 3750 years ago [27]. These studies indicate that contributions from at least four ancestral sources—European, South Asian, Siberian, and East Asian—have shaped the Uyghurs' genetic pool [27].
is it possible that Uyghur Sufis adapted the samā# ritual to local music, ...localised hälqä- sohbät ritual, in which only the dance from the original ritual was kept, together with the name sama, and then the dance also developed into a public outdoor practice for festivals? More comparative study between Uyghur and other Central Asian Sufi rituals needs to be
done to shed light on this question.
regarding the etiquette for listeners, is
the need for stillness, and that one should not “look at others, clear the
throat, yawn, clap, dance or talk. If one is overcome by wajd resulting
in involuntary movements, one should return to a quiet state as soon as
this passes” (Avery 2011, 46). Likewise, Ghazālī’s brother Majd al-Dīn (d.
1126) recommended that when a listener comes into ecstasy, he should
refrain from rising until he is overpowered (Avery 2011, 189). Here dance
is only permitted when it is an involuntary act, which means that if dance occurs, it is the result of an altered state of consciousness rather than the
cause.
only the action of ‘attraction’ but also a state of consciousness caused by
that attraction, which is referred to in Arabic as wajd, a euphoric state
of trance resulted from the samā# ritual (Lucas 2012, 111).
limping rhythm, for
example, which consists of regular interchanges of two different beats
and time units, can suggest a feeling of being between two worlds. e
timbre of the the hapiz’s voice is an important vehicle in conveying the
religious message.
aspects of madoh and its ability to induce emotionally or spiritually ecstatic or cathartic
states (2003b)
(Ali Akbar Odinamamadov, personal communication, July 31, 2006)
[Without dance1my heart would shrink25 and I will feel myself uncomfortable.
(Odinamo Mubashirova, personal communication, August 20, 2006)
If you hear music, you will be peaceful. Without music, the heart of man shrinks.
(Shamsriddin Rahmazonov, personal communication, August 29, 2006)
If sometimes I feel myself bad, I put the music on and with my dances I can spend
this time. (Atrigol Akramjonova, personal communication, August 11,2006)
movements. Although some are still found in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, they were much
more common in past centuries.
nature of dance is responsible for its ability to act as healing device for the bakhshi and
the reason why it is used during funeral ceremonies in both Badakhshan and Kulob, to
assuage feelings of grief (personal communication, December 4, 2006). This role of
dance seems to be carried into the personal experiences of dancers, who use dance for
their own emotional and spiritual health.
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